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Najveća nepravda u modernom društvu je nejednakost životnog veka

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Nejednakost se često shvata kao jaz između zarada najbogatijih članova društva i onih najsiromašnijih. Goran Therborn tvrdi, međutim, da iza finansijskih brojki postoje daleko veće nejednakosti koje utiču na moderno društvo. Među njima je nejednakost u očekivanom trajanju života najizrazitija. Razlika između očekivane dužine života između žitelja različitih predgrađa Londona ili Glazgova je jednaka onoj između stanovnika Velike Britanije i Mijanmara – u proseku između 9 do 17 godina manje za onog ko je imao peh da se rodi u siromašnoj devastiranoj porodici, bez dobre zdravstvene nege, pristojne plate i penzije.

Zašto toliko ljudi s takvim snažnim gnevom dočekuje vesti o isplatama bonusa bankarima i poslovnim rukovodiocima, a malo ko reaguje na isto tako visoke premije koje dobijaju vrhunske sportske zvezde? Dok prvo generiše nezadovoljstvo, ovo drugo izaziva kolektivno obožavanje sportskih novinara i fanova. Jasno je da iza nezadovoljstva nejednakošću ne stoji zavist. Mislim da je fer pretpostaviti da među pobornicima i simpatizerima pokreta Occupy ima mnogo sportskih navijača.

Mi, ozbiljni egalitarijanci, grupa za koju verujem da joj pripadam, treba da pokušamo da odgovorimo šta nije u redu sa nejednakošću, što je prihvatljivo i kakvu jednakost uopšte želimo. Lično, mislim da je utapanje fudbala i biznisa u novcu odvratno, i u meri u kojoj je povezano sa nameštanjem utakmica, nesumnjivo nailazi na opravdan gnev. Ali tamo gde nema nameštanja, preplaćene zvezdice Premijer lige možemo da posmatramo kao bezopasne leptire, ili paunove koji se šepure. Oni nas zabavljaju, i njihovo bogatstvo zaista nema nikakav uticaj na urušavanje ekonomije.

Među najbogatijima u 1 odsto u SAD, tri od sto su poznate ličnosti iz sporta i zabave. Privrednici, s druge strane, vladaju nama, i sigurno nas ne zabavljaju. Kao grupa, “jedan odsto” isisavaju značajan deo ukupnih prihoda u privredi: u Velikoj Britaniji oko petnaest odsto. To su resursi koji bi mogli imati bolju upotrebu od plaćanja mnogobrojnih kuća, ličnih aviona i privatnih karipskih ostrva.

Postoje tri stvari koje, pre svega, nisu u redu sa nejednakošću. Prvo, to je ekonomsko rasipanje: ne samo na privatni luksuz već na opake elitne igre raketama, bombarderima, onim što je Vinston Čerčil jednom opisao kao „vesele male ratove protiv varvarskih naroda“. Između ovih malih ratova, Kameroni, Ozborni, i njima slični arogantno nameću nejednakost, propovedaju budžetsku strogost i „smanjivanje deficita “ za ostatak populacije.

Drugo, ekonomska nejednakost znači mrvljenje duštva: cepanje gradova i zajednica, između Itonaca(pitomaca elitnih fakulteta), i dece samohranih majki ili nezaposlenih roditelja odraslih u relativnom siromaštvu, i predestiniranih za život u nesigurnosti i socijalnoj isključenosti. Treće, nejednakost stvara i održava politički „diktat’. Za razliku od svoje grublje rođačke varijante ‘diktature’, diktat je brod bez diktatora i ne zabranjuje ni izbornu opoziciju ni društvenu kritiku. Ono što radi je – da dostavlja diktate vladama i parlamentima: prvo u vezi sa nedozvoljenim socijalnim i ekonomskim politikama, a zatim i sa željenim politikama. U Velikoj Britaniji, londonski “Siti” (poslovno središte) izdaje većinu diktata, sa džentlmenskom diskrecijom, naravno.

Međutim, ekonomska nejednakost nije najgora od svih nejednakosti s kojima se susrećemo. U Britaniji to mesto zauzimaju značajne nejednakosti u dužini života. Siromašni, ugroženi, socijalno isključeni ljudi imaju mnogo kraće živote od nas ostalih. U tom smislu, Kalton, periferija Glazgova je jedna od najgorih oblasti u Velikoj Britaniji, iako nimalo ne liči na “slam” – ili na ćumez Trećeg sveta. Zapravo, deo te periferije izgleda prilično lepo. Ali decenijama je bio pogođen nezaposlenošću i siromaštvom, a zatim i samodestruktivnošću njegovih stanovnika, fenomenom koji vrlo često prati ovakvo socijalno stanje. Jaz u očekivanom trajanju života između tog predgrađa i lepog zelenog predgrađa Glazgova, Lenci, je 28 godina – što je isti jaz kao između Velike Britanije i Haitija.

Razlika u očekivanom trajanju života među londonskim predgrađima je kao između Britanije i Mijanmara. Oni koji žive u Kensingtonu imaju životni vek 17 godina duži od ljudi koji žive u Totenhemskom Grinu. Ovi ponori životnih perspektiva – u najelementarnijem smislu, zdravlja i smrti – nisu istorijsko nasleđe. Naprotiv, oni su “kreacija u toku”: između 1999 i 2008 jaz u očekivanom životnom veku između londonskih opština proširio se za skoro četiri godine.
Jednakosti kojima mi ozbiljni egalitarijanci težimo ne mogu se prevesti u svet brojki o raspodeli dohotka. Ono čemu težimo je svet u kome svako ljudsko biće ima mogućnost ostvarivanja njenih / njegovih mogućnosti, koje neće biti zaustavljene u detinjstvu zbog neuhranjenosti i / ili izneverene zbog toga što su roditelji te dece poklekli pred teretom života. Ono čemu stremimo je svet u kome su moguće zajednice koje nisu ograđene kapijama i kontrolnim punktovima, gde se ljudski resursi ne rasipaju na udovoljavanje prohtevima i opasnim igrama, i gde svako ima mogućnost da se izrazi, neopterećen diktatom ovakvih elita.

Najgori aspekt britanske nejednakosti nisu karijera i bogatstvo onih koji su uništili Kraljevsku banku Škotske, već to što će prosečna devojka iz Glazgova živeti u proseku 12 godina manje od prosečne devojke iz londonskog poš predgrađa Čelsija, ili što će mančesterska penzionerka u 65 godini imati devet godina manje da uživa u svojoj jadnoj državnoj penziji od svoje vršnjakinje u bogatijem delu grada.

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Goran Therborn je profesor emeritus sociologije na Univerzitetu u Kembridžu, gostujući profesor sociologije na Univerzitetu Linnaeus, u Švedskoj. Ranije je bio kodirektor švedske Kolegijuma za napredne studije u društvenim naukama u Upsali, a pre toga profesor sociologije na Univerzitetu Geteborg, u Švedskoj, i profesor političkih nauka na Katoličkom univerzitetu Nijmegen, u Holandiji.

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