LJUBLJANA – Ukupne premije su nastavile pad iz proteklih godina. Ukupno su iznosile 984 milijuna eura, a godinu ranije 989,4 milijuna.
јануар 2013
Berlingske Tidende, Copenhagen – As they celebrate the 40th anniversary of entry into the European Union, Danes are weighing up the pros and cons. To persuade fellow Danes that the Union can still benefit Denmark, all the country's political forces should come together and propose daring new ideas, writes Berlingske. See more.

“America turns European”, jokes The Economist on a cover featuring US President Barack Obama and the Republican House Speaker John Boehner dressed as a Frenchman and German respectively. “For the past three years America’s leaders have looked on Europe’s management of the euro crisis with barely disguised contempt,” observes the British weekly, comparing the 11th hour US deal to dodge the “fiscal cliff”, with Europe’s handling of the euro crisis.
Washington shows a “pattern of dysfunction [that] is disturbingly similar to the euro zone’s”, says The Economist. Both the US and EU seem unable to move beyond short term fixes usually negotiated well after midnight, it adds, and points to the oversized influence of some individuals or groups in negotiating the final deals. The newspapers also criticises the US and Europe for failing to be honest with voters, saying –
Just as Chancellor Angela Merkel and President François Hollande have avoided coming clean to the Germans and the French about what it will take to save the single currency, so neither Mr Obama nor the Republican leaders have been brave enough to tell Americans what it will really take to fix the fiscal mess. […] As it has failed to deal with the single currency, Europe’s standing has crumbled in the world. Why should developing countries trust American leadership, when it seems incapable of solving anything at home? And while the West’s foremost democracy stays paralysed, China is making decisions and forging ahead.
“Europe is seeking to hire the best brains,” reports Die Welt. Between now and 2020, an entire generation of European civil servants will retire. Thousands of posts, the equivalent of one third of the current EU workforce, will have to be filled in European institutions. The Commission alone will have to replace 10,000 of its 35,000 employees.
However, while the EU believes that it is legitimate to woo highly qualified individuals with exceptionally good working conditions — extra holidays, tax-free bonuses, ample salaries — these privileges enjoyed by its civil servants do not escape criticism, notes the daily —
The Taxpayers Association of Europe is railing against civil servants helping themselves. British Prime Minister David Cameron wants to cut billions from the EU’s wages budget. And the CSU [the Bavarian branch of Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrats] has taken advantage of a shortage of news during the holiday season to publicise a demand to get rid of 15 of the 27 European commissioners. […] When member states are forced to make savings, say its critics, the EU should not be an exception.
The Union spends 6 per cent of its budget on its own administrative staff of 44,000 civil servants — 55,000 if you count temporary and short-term contracts. In 2011, €8.2bn was spent funding this apparatus. And, as Die Welt reports —
There is a high level of interest for well-paid jobs, especially at time of economic crisis. […] In particular, there has been an upsurge in the number of applications submitted by candidates in Southern Europe.
Project Syndicate, Prague – Ahead of the 2014 European Parliament elections, the EU could learn much from the recent US presidential vote regarding how to engage with its citizens, gain legitimacy and achieve a louder voice on the international stage. See more.
Editorial
Transition or decision? After 2012, the year in which the euro was supposed to collapse, it is tempting to predict what 2013 has in store for Europe’s citizens, even if it means running the risk of being wrong. Here is a quick review of some of the main trends that will have a long-term impact on political and daily life in the European Union.
The event of the year will be the general election in Germany, which will most likely be held on September 22. Angela Merkel, who continues to enjoy record approval ratings, has a good chance of being re-elected for a third term as chancellor. She would therefore maintain the European austerity policy which is popular with her voters.
However, at the same time, she would also need stability, which could favour a policy of European Central Bank intervention in the debt crisis. Although unpopular with the Berlin government and the Bundesbank, previous interventions have shown that such a policy can calm the markets and grant a respite to Germany’s most important and vulnerable partners, ie: Italy, Spain and France.
And speaking of Italy, there will be a lot at stake in the elections due to be held there on February 24 and 25. Will “technocrat” Mario Monti be able to continue governing the country without being elected but with support from a coalition of centrist parties? Italy can be a testing ground for two questions that will be important for all Europe: Will an austerity policy that is in line with the expectations of financial markets and international partners be sufficient to put the country back on track? Can a technocratic government succeed in reconciling the economic and democratic needs of a society?
In the meantime, the British — and many other Europeans — will continue to question their place in the EU. In spite of the persistent demands from the eurosceptic wing of of his party, UK Prime Minister David Cameron will likely avoid taking on the historic responsibility of calling into question his country’s membership of the European Union. However, this issue will certainly weigh on negotiations for the 2014-2020 European budget, as it will on the management of the crisis, and in turn on the institutional future of the EU.
It will be even more awkward for Cameron to cut ties with the continent now that the United Kingdom is preparing for a referendum on the future of Scotland in 2014. And Britain is not alone in facing the spectre of secession that has also been awakened in Belgium, where Flemish nationalists will be preparing for federal elections in 2014, and in Spain, where Catalan politicians will be attempting to create the most favourable conditions for the organisation of a referendum on the independence of the region, also slated for 2014.
Catalan aspirations, which could challenge the manner in which the region participates in the financing of the federal state, will likely add to Spain’s vulnerability. With unemployment at almost 25 per cent and a much weakened banking sector, the country will continue to be the weak link in Europe and a focal point for the economic and social ills that have beset the continent, putting to one side the extreme situation in Greece.
Above and beyond the political trends, the social context and the living conditions of Europe’s 500 million citizens will have to be closely monitored throughout the year. Regardless of the decisions taken in Brussels and Frankfurt, and positive movement in stock market and macro-economic charts, the future of the EU will be shaped in the factories, offices, hospitals and streets of a continent that is increasingly populated by victims of the crisis.
Cincari su bili nosioci ekonomske modernizacije u Srbiji sredinom 19.veka. Njihovo poznavanje međunarodne trgovine, jezika i računa, navike i alati, kao i knjige i pismenost obeležili su kulturni život Beograda i Srbije, ali se danas o njima malo zna i još manje govori. Ponovno i pažljivo čitanje izvora i literature sigurno bi Cincare učinilo mnogo vidljivijim u našoj istoriji i kulturi.
Cincari su deo balkanske vlaške zajednice koju danas čine dve osnovne kulturno – etničke grupe. Prva živi u prostoru istočne Srbije i severozapadne Bugarske i tradicionalno se nazivaju Vlasima. Druga grupa su Aromani, ili Cincari poreklom sa juga Balkana. Oni su oblikovani grčkom kulturom i koncentrisani su u prostoru severne Grčke, Albanije i Makedonije. Uspeli su da sačuvaju svoj identitet i lokalni jezik, proizašao iz starog provincijskog latinskog. Tome su očito doprineli njihova koncentracija u malom prostoru, zatim skrovitost i izolacija u planinskom okruženju, kao i njihovo svesno izbegavanje kontakata sa drugima.
Tokom duge Turske vladavine deo njih se specijalizovao za transport, trgovinu i, uz pljačku i hajdučiju, posebne vojne formacije. Tako je između 17. i 19. veka stvorena brojna, moćna i bogata trgovačka klasa. Bila je to višejezična kasta, ali su grčki jezik i kultura definisali njihov kulturni i socijalni status. Njihov vlaško/aromanski jezik je postao izvor identiteta, tradicije i socijalne integracije unutar grupe. Njihov ekonomski i kulturni centar tokom 18. veka bio je Moskopolje u današnjoj Albaniji, sa svojim školama, crkvama i štamparijama. Kad su ga lokalne turske paše konačno uništile u drugoj polovini 18 veka, većina lokalnih Vlaha započinje migracije ka severu, a svoja naselja osniva visoko i skriveno u planinanama.
Balkanska pravoslavna trgovačka klasa
Izbeglice iz Moskopolja su takodje zasnovale svoje trgovačke kolonije u Beogradu, Zemunu, Novom Sadu, Zagrebu, ali i u Budimpešti, Temišvaru i Beču. Tamo su zatekli i ranije prispele ‘pravoslavne trgovce’. Kolektivno su nazivani ‘Grcima’, ali su među njima najbrojniji bili Vlasi i Srbi/Rašani i mogli bismo ih nazvati “balkanskom pravoslavnom trgovačkom klasom.” Ova grupa je dominirala u međunarodnoj ali i domaćoj trgovini Osmanskog carstva kada je ovo obuhvatalo Ugarsku, delove Hrvatske i Transilvaniju. U ovoj grupi treba tražiti začetke srpske buržoazije u Vojvodini i Slavoniji jer se većinski Cincari i malobrojni Grci vremenom asimiluju u Srbe.
Nastanak beogradske čaršije je velikim delom dar nestalih Cincara koji dugo dominiraju u trgovini, preduzetništvu, administraciji, a potom i u slobodnim profesijama. U varoškoj populaciji Srbije koja je 1834. godine činila samo 6,1% a u 1910. 13 odsto ukupnog stanovništa, Cincari su uz Grke činili elitu i bili viđeni advokati, lekari, profesori, administratori i političari.
U odsustvu modernih korporacija, u Srbiji su vidljivi cincarski karteli, povezani porodičnim linijama kao i trgovačkim vezama u inostranstvu, koji kontrolišu trgovinu na veliko i zametke proto-industrijalizacije. Nakon odlaska Turaka iz gradova, 1867., dolazi do priliva Srba koji polako preovlađuju u beogradskoj čaršiji, ali i u drugim gradovima. Raste ekonomski i kulturni jaz između cincarske trgovačke elite i Srba, sitnih trgovaca i zanatlija pridošlih iz unutrašnjosti; Cincari su vidjeni kao eksploatatori i lihvari, bujaju predrasude i napetosti.
Zanimljivo je zapažanje o promeni odnosa trgovac-mušterija, zabeleženog u spisu “O Cincarima” Dušana Popovića, iz 1937., glavnog a možda i jedinog izvora za razumevanje uticaja Cincara na formiranje srpskog društva. Tradicionalno bi kupci započinjali kontakt sa gazdom ljubeći mu ruku. Gazda je dugo bio ‘Grk.’ To se sporo ali sigurno menja pri kraju veka. Način stanovanja Cincara, njihov životni stil i navike postaju predmet imitacije pridošlica, kao i imućnijih seljaka. Cincari vidljivo dominiraju i kao osnivači javnih i privatnih škola (na grčkom i srpskom jeziku) u Beogradu, Šapcu i Smederevu, kao i graditelji crkava i osnivači zadužbina. Izvestan broj njihovih zgrada i zadužbina i danas krase glavne ulice Beograda, Zemuna, Pančeva.
Govoriti grčki, ići u grčku školu ili biti član ‘gradskog čitališta’ postaje kulturni obrazac, ali to ukazuje i na paralelan život ‘grčke’ i srpske zajednice. Dugo se u nekim sredinama održava grčki jezik i u lokalnoj administraciji. Tako nas D. Popović obaveštava da je opštinski odbor u Smederevu raspravljao na grčkom, a i prilaže listu ‘obštinara beogradskih’ iz 1865. u kojoj dominiraju cincarska imena.
Ukratko, naša kultura u 19. veku pripada Cincarima. Ta kultura je veoma slična, da ne kažemo istovetna ostalim balkanskim urbanim središtima, a pečat joj daju upravo Cincari. Upravo su Vlasi/Cincari nosioci balkanskog patrijahalnog obrasca, a balkanska zakasnela i krivudava modernizacija bila je plodno tle da se obrazac dugo neguje i održava.
Posrbljivanje kulture i ekonomije, kao i samih Cincara, ipak je neizbežno. Vidljivo je upravo među trgovcima i započinje tek kada su Cincari shvatili da Srbi pobeđuju Turke. Tako Srbi postaju većina – ne samo u stanovništvu već i trgovini, biznisu i administraciji. Koliko su na to uticali direktni i indirektni pritisci sredine – dakle vidljiva i nevidljiva uslovljavanja da se ostane u vrhu biznisa, socijalne i profesionalne hijerarhije – o tome malo znamo. Više znamo kako su mešani brakovi i mimikrija bili važan kanal asimilacije, kao i socijalne promocije u sredini koja se menja.
Lagani izlazak iz senke
Drugi deo već pomenute knjige “O Cincarima” (Građa za istoriju porodica i Registar), takođe je veoma važan jer navodi blizu 2000 imena Cincara u Srbiji i Vojvodini u periodu od više od 150 godina koji su utkani u ekonomski i kulturni život naše čaršije. Niz kraćih ili dužih biografskih beleški indicira da se radi o važnim trgovcima i privrednicima, javnim ličnostima i intelektualcima, ali su mnoga imena i beleške date bez sistematskih odrednica o vremenu, prostoru i stvarnim ulogama. Na tom tragu su važne i publikacije Milivoja M. Kostića ili Pribislava B. Marinkovića (njegovi radovi o Cincarima-zadužbinarima i dobrotvorima, kao i njihovim bračnim vezama sa Srbima).
Nakon Drugog svetskog rata, Cincari nestaju kao kolektivni akter, ali i prepoznatliva zajednica. Od ključnih aktera u oblikovanju čaršije, urbane kulture i privrede Srbije u 19. veku, postali su malobrojna i marginalna grupa čiji je glavni zadatak vlastito održavanje. Zvanični popisi pokazuju da se kao Cincari izjašnjava svega nekoliko stotina ljudi, ali njihova zajednica procenjuje da ih može biti i do 10.000, sa, naravno, potomcima nesigurnog identiteta. Oživljavanje zajednice počinje 1991. osnivanjem “Srpsko-cincarskog društva ‘Lunjina’. Ciljevi ‘Lunjine’ bilo je okupljanje oko njenih programa, skupljanje artefakata o Cincarima, njihovoj istoriji, kulturi, jeziku i folkloru.
Dušan Popović zaključuje svoju knjigu konstatacijom “da je zadatak balkanske nauke da prouči ovaj aspekt kulturne istorije Balkana i Srbije”, ali taj zadatak do danas nije ni započet a kamoli priveden kraju. Pomenuta Popovićeva knjiga, kao i opšti uvidi Zorana Janjetovića i nekih drugih, ostaju praktično jedini pokušaji u tom smeru.
Nakon 1989., pojavljuju se prvi ozbiljniji radovi o Vlasima, ali u Hrvatskoj. Zanimljiva je i važna (ali i kontroverzna) produkcija Zef Mirdite, zagrebačkog Instituta za povijest, o balkanskim Vlasima. Njegove dve knjige su pravi rudnik izvora, literature i informacija. U Srbiji, međutim, još uvek nema sistematskih i na nauci zasnovanih istraživanja. Preovlađuje publicistika, odnosno izvori koji tek treba da kritički vrednuju evidenciju, kao i da je prikazuju u jednom širem konceptualnom i društvenom okviru.
Jedan broj Cincara okupljenih oko ‘Lunjine’ sakuplja i objavljuje priloge o Cincarima u javnom životu i ekonomiji. Ovi prilozi se zasnivaju na usmenoj i porodičnoj istoriji poznatijih Cincara. To je najčešće izvorna građa koju tek treba kritički valorizovati, sistematizovati i interpretirati. Takva kakva postoji, i ova građa ukazuje da evidencija o Cincarima postoji, ali je skrivena ili manje vidljiva. Drugim rečima, ponovno i pažljivo čitanje izvora i literature, sigurno bi Cincare učinilo mnogo vidljivijim u našoj istoriji i kulturi. Za akademsku zajednicu to izgleda još uvek nije istraživačka agenda.
Miroslav Ružica
MSP: 1000 zašto 1000 zato
decembar/januar 2012/13
Mladá Fronta DNES, Prague – In the mountains of Bohemia, near the Polish border, lies a small hospital – the only one of its kind in Europe: The Biological Defence Centre in Těchonín is designed to treat the poor unfortunates who contract the world's most dangerous viruses or fall victim to a biological terrorist attack. See more.

There is „poison in containers“ arriving at European ports, warns French daily Le Monde. Out of a million containers unloaded each week, the paper explains, „15 to 20 per cent contain fumes that are extremely dangerous, carcinogenic or neurotoxic“ and these substances „endanger a whole series of people, from workers […] to the consumers themselves.“
The presence of the fumes is, in part, explained by fumigation operations aimed at „eliminating moulds and vermin during transport“. Another reason for the presence of these poisons: the goods themselves release gases and vapours. Clothing made in Asia often contains benzene- and toluene-based solvents, both of which are carcinogenic.
Although France began taking measures in 2011 to diminish the health risks linked to exposure to the toxins, including a minimum airing time and the use of masks, gloves and goggles, these are deemed „insufficient and ill-adapted by the trade unions,“ Le Monde notes, comparing the French case with the situation in Belgium and the Netherlands:
Agreements between employers and unions require that the level of the fumes be monitored systematically as soon as their presence is suspected. Dutch customs officials require a certificate confirming the absence of toxic fumes time-stamped less than two hours before their services are called upon. Jan De Jong, leader of Dutch trade union confederation FNV Bondgenoten is calling on governments to go further by taking action at the source to ban certain chemicals world-wide.

